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In this book, Mabroka al-Werfalli examines the extent and effects of political alienation in Libya. Using a variety of measures, the author highlights links between legitimacy and alienation and underlines certain types of political behaviour commonly associated with political alienation, in an attempt to draw attention to various causes of indifference and violent behaviour associated with political alienation in Libyan society. Al-Werfalli's findings reveal that alienation has led to widespread political apathy and low or non-existent levels of political participation among Libyans. Every year the percentage of eligible Libyans involved in political activities has declined. the Basic Popular Congresses (BPC's) which work as an essential vehicle for political participation within the Libyan political regime, have been treated as immature institutions by the revolutionary leadership, who have remained, in the eys of the people, the only actor of note. As a result, these trends are being increasingly interpreted as signs of the gradual exhaustion of a model for which there is no clear alternative in sight.
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British imperial interests in Iraq during and after the First World War are well known and have often been studied. But what of British policy towards the Mesopotamian provinces before 1914? In this well-documented study, Stuart Cohen provides the first coherent account of growing British interest in these provinces, in which the defence of India, commercial considerations, the protection of Shia Muslim pilgrims and fear of a German-dominated Berlin to Baghdad railway all had a vital role to play. First published in 1976 and now available in paperback for the first time, this book is essential reading not only for an understanding of the making of British policy towards the Arab provinces of the Ottoman empire but also of the last days of Turkish rule in Iraq itself.
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The oil rich monarchies of the Arabian Peninsula are frequently dismissed as having no democratic systems compared to most other regions of the world. Indeed, the United States justified its action in Iraq by proclaiming that democracy and freedom must be adopted both in Iraq and throughout the wider Middle East, in order to counter the conditions which breed international terrorism. It has been argued that the countries of the Arabian Peninsula need to provide a system of democratic representation that fully takes into account their own history and culture. This raises many questions. Can their firmly established tradition of rule provide the basis for the evolution of an Arab form of constitutional monarchy? Should the West be seeking to encourage national indigenous evolution rather than working to impose Western systems? What are the risks of change and what has been achieved so far? Through articles by eminent academics and government officials, this book addresses these issues and examines the drivers, progress and challenges for future change in this vitally strategic area of the world.
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Republished in a new translation, "The Green Book" provides fresh insight into the thinking of Muammar Al Qaddafi, and his Third Universal Theory for a new democratic society. Outlined first is his theory for direct democracy in society, or Jamahiriya, focusing on the authority of the people, renouncing representation or delegation of authority, and recognizing the need for organization of the people at lower levels of society. Part Two suggests an economic revolution, transforming societies of wage earners into companies of partners by applying a political and economic theory of social organization that gives the ownership, and regulation of production, distribution and exchange to the community as a whole. Part Three launches a social revolution, presenting solutions to man's struggles in life, and the unsolved problems of man and woman, as well as tackling the situation of minorities by laying out sound principles of social life for all mankind.
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This book traces the evolution of the Palestinian police and security forces, beginning with its historical antecedents in Lebanon and the occupied territories, and the formation of formal police organizations after the Oslo Accords until the outbreak of the second Intifada in September 2000. The history of the Palestinian Police revolves around the fundamental question of how a national police force can be created and operated without the framework of an independent state. Apart from offering a far more detailed and accurate account of the Palestinian Police history than previous works, the study also provides unique insight into the problems and dilemmas of policing by non-state actors in war torn societies. The study traces the establishment and expansion of the Palestinian police and security forces with a focus on PLO efforts at recruiting, training and expanding the force, its political context, institutional development, and dilemmas of 'non-state' policing in the context of the political-military conflict with Israel. Based on a host of new unpublished sources, spanning from Palestinian Authority documents, internal Palestinian Police publications, a unique access to the archives of the Norwegian Foreign Ministry (which chaired the most important police coordination committees), and a very thorough review of thousands of Arab, Israeli and international press, the present study gives a unique insight into a hitherto uncharted territory in contemporary Palestinian and Middle Eastern history. This book will also be of invaluable interest to students, researchers and practitioners in the field of security sector reform and international police assistance.
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This book examines the role of international donors in creating and reforming the Palestinian police and security forces, beginning in the early aftermath of the Oslo Accords to the outbreak of the second Intifada, which brought most police reform efforts to a standstill. The author explores the challenges and dilemmas facing the donor countries when they strived to assist in building a police that was being without the framework of an independent state. Apart from providing unique insight into the problems of providing aid to police forces created by a national liberation organization in a war torn society, this books also offers a far more detailed and accurate account of a much neglected research topic, namely police reform efforts in the Middle East peace process. The book demonstrates how the donor officials struggled to overcome ingrained unwillingness at home against the use of aid funds for police reform purposes, while at the same time maneuvering uneasily between Israeli obstructionism and security concerns, rivalries between Palestinian police generals, as well as a lack of Palestinian preparedness for the technical and practical aspects of police reform. Based on a host of new unpublished sources, spanning from Palestinian Authority documents, internal Palestinian Police publications, a unique access to the archives of the Norwegian Foreign Ministry (which chaired the most important police coordination committees), the present study gives a unique insight into a hitherto uncharted territory in contemporary Palestinian and Middle Eastern history. This book will be of invaluable interest to students, researchers and practitioners in the field of security sector reform and international police assistance.
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The combination of Islam and politics creates strong images and provokes fierce discussion. Over the last few decades we have seen how Islam has generated political turbulence around the world. In "Political Islam in the Global World", Aini Linjakumpu develops an approach with which one can study the politicization of Islam in different circumstances and contexts. The book uses three case studies to analyze the political dimension of Islam: cooperation between the European Union and non-Union Mediterranean countries (including Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, Syria, Turkey, Cyprus and Malta); the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt; and discussion groups on the internet. These case studies represent both traditional forms of political Islam and also totally new practices of Muslim politics and communality. The author also examines political identity. Identity is important in studying political Islam, as the political dimension of Islam is often connected with identity and the formation and existence of a community. The role of language is also discussed, as politicization and the study of identity are by their nature attached to it. The conclusion is that the combination of Islam and politics is a multidimensional and heterogeneous thing. The monolithic view of Islam is deconstructed and in its place the author paints a picture of an extremely multifaceted process.
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In 1990 the Yemen Arab Republic and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen united to form the Republic of Yemen. The following decade was marked by the political process of unification on the one hand, and by the processes of changing institutions, social dynamics and merged economies on the other. This book focuses on the major social, legal and economic aspects of this transformation, and it is possibly the only such analysis concentrating on these aspects during a crucial period in the history of modern Yemen. The 1990s witnessed the birth of an entity significantly different from its original constituent states. In addition to the process of establishing unified institutions, the decade was marked by increased revenues from oil exports, the worsening of the water crisis affecting agriculture and hence the income base for over 70 per cent of the population, the financial, economic and social crisis brought about by the 1990-91 Gulf War in the first half of the decade, and the greater influence of foreign aid institutions in the second half of the decade, in addition to the ongoing rapid increase in the population. The book brings together work by leading Yemeni and international scholars and addresses all these important developments, directly or indirectly, so as to provide a unique analysis of key economic, social and legal issues facing Yemen at the start of the twenty-first century.
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The Arab Spring was a watershed in Arab history, which gave young protesters the impetus to challenge established and entrenched dictatorial regimes for the first time, and to demand democracy. In this unique book, Muriel Mirak-Weissbach reviews specialist literature and provides a profile of the personality disorder of narcissism displayed by five leaders (Mubarak, Qaddafi, Ben Ali, Saleh and Assad), together with the related syndromes of paranoia, hysteria, and sociopathy. She argues that the responses of these leaders to the challenges they faced indicate that they were psychologically incapable of facing reality, and indeed displayed pathological symptoms in clinging fanatically to power in the face of revolt. Mirak-Weissbach considers each of the five leaders in turn, examining their behavior during the upheavals as expressed in their public statements, speeches, interviews and courses of action. Thus she identifies patterns and similarities of behavior that serve to prove that the five 'stony-faced old men in power' displayed specific pathological personality types in their responses to the political and cultural circumstances in which they were operating. A postscript to the book widens this context by identifying two cases of narcissism in contemporary American politi: George W. Bush and Sarah Palin. This highly topical, accessible and relevant book provides a psycho-historical insight into the actions and responses of the deposed dictators, viewed from a unique clinical psychological perspective.
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Very little has been written about the history of Trans-Jordan between 1929-39, a decade of importance in the history of its struggle for independence and sovereignty, its progress and development, its relations with Palestine and the neighbouring Arab countries and the new awakening of Arab nationalism. During the 1930s, although still under the mandate of the League of Nations (which was entrusted to Great Britain) Trans-Jordan began to develop an international presence. The people of Trans-Jordan remained very poor however, and the government was supported by a grant-in-aid from the British Government. The British Resident in Amman Col. Henry Cox used that grant-in-aid as a justification for his financial and political control over the new mandated state, which limited its sovereignty. At the time, Great Britain had the largest empire on earth. Her wealth and power, as well as the survival of her Empire, depended mainly on her ability to defend her trade routes with her overseas colonies, protectorates and mandated territories. The Amir Abdullah Ibn al Husain wanted to take Trans-Jordan back from that Great Britain of the 1930s and develop it into an independent state. This book describes the second decade of that struggle.
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Patty Paine is the author of Oracle Bones (Red Hen Press, 2010) and Elegy & Collapse (Finishing Line Press, 2005). She is the founding editor of diode poetry journal. She is an assistant professor of English at Virginia Commonwealth University in Qatar where she teaches writing and literature. Jeff Lodge is the author of the novel Where This Lake Is (White Pine Press, 1997). He is the founding and contributing editor of Blackbird: an online journal of literature and the arts and co-editor of diode poetry journal. He is an assistant professor of core education at Virginia Commonwealth University in Richmond, Virginia. Dr Samia Touati is author of Literacy, Access to Information and Development in the Last Decade of the Twentieth Century Moroccan Society (University Press of America, 2010). She is an adjunct instructor in the English department at Virginia Commonwealth University in Qatar.
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On May 2nd 1999, Merve Kavakci walked into the Turkish Grand National Assembly to take her oath of office as a member of Turkish Parliament, wearing her Islamic headscarf (hijab), which is banned for civil servants in secular Turkey. A near riot ensued, and the Prime Minister told the crowd to 'put this woman in her place'. Since then, Kavakci has become an outspoken critic of Turkey's secularization policy, travelling the globe in support of Muslim women's rights, especially regarding the hijab, which she promotes as a symbol of female empowerment. The Day Turkey Stood Still is a unique behind-the-scenes story of the first headscarved woman to be elected into the Turkish Parliament, and the harsh reaction against her election. It reveals for the first time what happened behind closed doors to prevent Merve Kavakci from taking her oath of office, and deconstructs her vilification by the government, military, media and political parties. Richard Peres also uses this fascinating true story to promote greater general understanding of contemporary Turkish politics, and to illustrate the ongoing tension between Turkey's military-secular bloc and its predominantly Islamic population. This highly accessible book will resonate with Western readers who want to know more about this fundamental issue and gain a greater understanding of women's issues, religious conflicts, political Islam, human rights and the struggle for democracy in the Middle East. The Day Turkey Stood Still is required reading for any academic who wants to understand the dynamics and undercurrents of Turkish politics today.
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The extensive changes to Emirati women's traditional rights and roles have been one of the most visible transformations taking place in the United Arab Emirates throughout its almost forty years of modern history. This book offers an interpretation of why and how these modifications came about. Its aim is to analyse the promotion of educational, employment and political rights for women as strategic state actions set within a context of broader nation-building goals. The author discovers that there is no direct or easy link between the state's 'offer of rights' for women, and society's acceptance of them. This is particularly so when proposed changes raise deep issues about honour and respectability, and are quite removed from dominant gender norms and accepted traditions. Given these circumstances, the mechanisms that induce women to actually take advantage of what is offered have not been given sufficient attention. The concept of 'genderframing' aims precisely at defining that 'connecting mechanism', and explaining the successes and failures of these policies both mobilization- and implementation-wise. Elaborating on the sociological method of examination known as 'framing', the term 'genderframing' refers to a dynamic and interactive process between the state and its population which entails the symbolic rework of meanings associated to women-related policies, and its subsequent presentation in novel ways. It is argued that such re-interpretation has been purposefully conducted by the Emirati State in order to portray the changing roles of women as necessary and desirable, for reasons associated to nation-building purposes, religious conformity, promotion of family values, and efforts at indigenous cultural preservation. By examining the creation, deployment and modifications to the Emirati genderframe, this book highlights the profound intertwining between gender, nation building, and domestic socio-political dynamics in a country that, while seeking to establish its modernizing credentials, is still struggling for self-definition and empowerment.
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The international relations of the Persian Gulf have long been dominated by power politics. Its unrivalled energy resources have historically made this geopolitical arena a vital national security interest for the United States. Historically, Persian Gulf security became synonymous with the maintenance of the political status quo, but with the onset of the War on Terror, US foreign policy has shifted in priority towards combatting the root causes of Islamic extremism. The age-old policy of maintaining stability to ensure a free and secure flow of energy is now recognized as having fuelled Islamic extremism. The new strategic objective for the United States is to see a complete overhaul of the political systems within the region and to develop a culture of political participation to achieve regional security and ensure US homeland security. It is a new agenda wholly in keeping with the messianic Wilsonian values that have long been part of US foreign policy. The purpose of this book is to offer a detailed analysis of US foreign policy towards Iran and Iraq since the onset of the post-Cold War era and to chart its developments and changes right through to the contemporary period of the War on Terror epitomized by the Presidency of George W. Bush. It also provides a detailed examination of US foreign policy towards political Islam to show why and how US strategic interests have so fundamentally changed since the trauma of the 9/11 attacks. Written in a clear and accessible style, the book is sure to prove invaluable for students, policymakers, and the general reader interested in the politics and security of this highly important but volatile region of the Middle East.
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The topic of polygamy in Islamic countries is generally perceived by outsiders as something linked to harems and Hollywood-style foreign intrigues. The practice is frequently viewed through sexual connotations and male power versus female powerlessness. The purpose of this book is to shed light on the often misunderstood polygamous situation in modern Saudi Arabia. Through a unique series of local interviews with both men and women involved in polygamy, both maritally and professionally, the author invites the reader into the homes and personal lives of the people directly affected. The result is a moving, candid examination of the frame of mind, impulses, incentives, reasons and circumstances that drive individuals towards polygamy, as well as the social, legal, economic and emotional consequences that inevitably follow. The book also examines the historical origins of Islamic polygamy in Mecca and Medina, as well as the legal situation in Saudi Arabia today. The author argues that a combination of gender differences created through local laws and public policy decisions, the revival of customary tribal practices and the pressures created by the sudden materialism of modern life have all led towards a misapplication of the original Islamic legal essence of the practice, and a re-adaptation of the laws regulating it.
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I am a free-born woman, and not a slave of anyone' , Manuy bint Khalfan, Speaking to a British Agency in Sharjah on 24th October 1938. Manuy bint Khalfan was a female slave who was sold and mortgaged several times before she finally escaped from her master. This book is dedicated to her memory, and to the memory of all the other slaves who have had the will to escape. Many books have been written about slavery, but what makes this one unique is that it presents the problem of slavery using the statements and life stories of individual slaves. Manumission procedures applied in the Persian Gulf required that applicants produced written statements describing the circumstances of their enslavement and their reasons for having run away from their masters. British Agencies therefore have at their disposal the life stories of almost 1000 slaves, named and speaking in their own voices. Their statements are published for the first time in this book. The analysis of these statements sheds light on various aspects of social, religious and political life in the Gulf in this period, and the way in which slaves were treated. It allows us to answer some questions fundamental for understanding the history of Persian Gulf societies in the first half of the 20th century; particularly the role of slave labour in the pearl industry, the conformity of social practice with religious norms concerning slavery, the position of the British government in regard to slavery in the Gulf, and the role of the British system of manumission in the eradication of slavery.
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